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  • Overview of Key Issues in the Pre-Election Period for the June 18, 2022 Ekiti State Governorship Election (Pre-Election Press Statement)

    Overview of Key Issues in the Pre-Election Period for the June 18, 2022 Ekiti State Governorship Election (Pre-Election Press Statement)

    T
    he first of two off cycle governorship elections for 2022 will be conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Ekiti State, on June 18, 2022. The election is the seventh in the state since the return of the current democratic dispensation in 1999. Following a 2010 Court of Appeal verdict, which removed then Governor Segun Oni, and declared Dr. Kayode Fayemi the rightful winner of the 2007 governorship election, Ekiti became one of several states holding off cycle governorship elections. The June 18, 2022 Ekiti State gubernatorial election is the very first to be conducted under the amended Electoral Act, 2022.

    As voters in Ekiti State head to the polls for tomorrow’s governorship election, the contest is apparently shaping up to be a three horse race involving the ruling party in the state, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), which has clearly emerged as a third force in the election. CDD observes that there are 16 political parties fielding candidates for the election. Only two candidates and seven deputy governorship candidates are women, just as the age range of the candidates indicate low participation of the youth.

    The CDD EAC will be closely observing the electoral process with the objective of collecting data to support evidence-based analysis of key aspects of the Ekiti State governorship election. The CDD EAC will also host a fake news hub for the purpose of tracking and countering fake news and misinformation as it affects the election.

    Pre-Election Observations

    Based on the observation of the CDD EAC in the pre-election period, the following are the key trends, which have underlined the process.

    CDD notes that the June 18, 2022 Ekiti State Governorship election is significant because it will serve as the first dress rehearsal as the INEC prepares for the 2023 general elections. The election will also be the first to be conducted under the Electoral Act, 2022, and the new INEC guidelines and regulations for conduct of elections. CDD EAC further notes that although INEC has made commitments to conduct a credible election in Ekiti State, its success in this regard would depend on its neutrality, professionalism and the level of its understanding and commitment to the new legal framework. The credibility of the process would also depend on how well INEC uses some of its new powers as derived from the extant electoral law, especially the power conferred on the Commission to delay the release of election results, if the Commission needs to take a second look.

    The CDD EAC is concerned about violence, money politics and violations of incumbency powers and the possible effects of these on the credibility of the election. CDD EAC notes that Ekiti State, has recorded several incidents of violence during previous elections. In the build up to the 2022 governorship election, pockets of election-related violence have been recorded in places like Ado Ekiti, Efon Alaiye, Oye, Ido/Osi and Oye Ekiti. Other observable issues, which would shape the credibility of the election include; how well INEC is able to effectively deploy technology, particularly the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), impartial security provisioning, the quality of results management, curtailing the role of money, incumbency and god fatherism in the election. Also critical is the need for stakeholders in the election to proactively track, and counter fake news and misinformation. Already, the pre-election period has witnessed the spread of fake news capable of undermining voter confidence and participation in the process. An example is the fake news which trended recently on a purported Appeal Court decision nullifying the primaries of one of the major political parties and, by extension, its candidate.

    In terms of some of the election risk factor, CDD notes that the ongoing strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities ( ASUU) has crippled the local economy especially in university towns in Ekiti State. This has created a threat in terms of the availability of idle youth being recruited for activities, which could undermine the credibility of the election. By grounding the local economy, the strike has also created the wrong incentives as voters are more likely to see the election as an opportunity for economic survival, thereby exacerbating the risk of vote buying. This becomes even more relevant when it is considered that Ekiti State introduced the issue of “stomach infrastructure” into the Nigerian political lexicon. CDD has also observed that based on history of past violence in elections in the state, the following Local Government Areas, constitute potential flash points in the election; Ado Ekiti, Efon Alaiye, Ido/Osi, and Oye.

    Signed:

    Professor Adele Jinadu

    Chair, CDD EAC

  • FACT SHIELD: What are the constitutional requirements to contest for governor in Nigeria?

    FACT SHIELD: What are the constitutional requirements to contest for governor in Nigeria?

    As Anambra prepares for the November 8 governorship election, political debates have extended beyond campaign promises into heated arguments over candidates’ educational qualifications. The exchanges, while common in Nigeria’s political space, highlight a recurring issue, the gap between constitutional requirements for office and public expectations of leadership. Every election season in Nigeria, whether off-cycle elections or general elections, questions arise about who is eligible to contest for the office of governor. From age requirements to academic qualifications, these questions shape pre-election debates and, in some cases, even decide election petitions in court. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) clearly lays out these requirements. Understanding these provisions is crucial, as they not only determine who can run but also form the basis for many of the legal disputes that follow Nigeria’s elections.

    Why education dominates the debate

    While the Constitution requires only a secondary school-level qualification for gubernatorial aspirants, public expectations often go far beyond this legal minimum. In the lead-up to Anambra’s November 8 election, the focus on certificates accompanied by accusations and counter-accusations reflects a broader frustration with what many perceive as a too-low bar for leadership relative to the complexities of governance. The discourse signals that citizens are not only concerned with legal eligibility but also with the capability of leaders to navigate economic, social, and political challenges.

    Concentrating political debates on academic credentials risks distracting from pressing governance concerns, including insecurity, youth unemployment, infrastructure deficits, and effective economic planning at the state level. Research by the CDD War Room shows that performance in office is often more closely tied to institutional strength, accountability mechanisms, and political will than formal qualifications alone. While education remains a visible metric for competence, it is not a definitive predictor of leadership effectiveness.

    The recurring controversies around qualifications highlight both the vibrancy and fragility of Nigeria’s democracy. On one hand, they show that citizens are actively scrutinizing candidates, signaling a more engaged electorate. On the other hand, these disputes demonstrate how elections can be reduced to technicalities rather than substantive issues. For Anambra, as in other states, voters face the dual responsibility of verifying that candidates meet constitutional thresholds while also assessing whether aspirants exhibit vision, competence, and a commitment to democratic governance. Balancing legal eligibility with political legitimacy remains a critical task for both citizens and institutions.

    While political debates often emphasize personalities and academic credentials, the Constitution establishes a relatively simple benchmark for gubernatorial aspirants: citizenship, age, political party sponsorship, and a basic education. Electorates should keep this framework in mind when evaluating claims about who is “qualified” or “unqualified” to contest. What remains far more complex and critically important is the mechanism through which citizens hold leaders accountable once they meet these minimum requirements. Understanding both the legal thresholds and the broader expectations of governance is essential for strengthening democratic practice and ensuring that electoral outcomes reflect not just eligibility, but effective and responsible leadership.

    Who can contest for governor in Nigeria?

    According to Section 177 of the Constitution:
    “A person shall be qualified for election to the office of Governor of a State if:
    (a) he is a citizen of Nigeria by birth;
    (b) he has attained the age of thirty-five years;
    (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and
    (d) he has been educated up to at least the School Certificate level or its equivalent.”

    These provisions set a clear, minimum bar for aspirants. In practice, however, political debates often focus on candidates’ higher degrees or certificates, even though the law only mandates secondary education or its equivalent. Citizenship by birth ensures that only those with permanent and unquestionable allegiance to Nigeria can hold such a critical office. The age requirement of 35 reflects a constitutional balance: it excludes younger aspirants, while still allowing those with some maturity and experience to govern. Political party sponsorship underscores Nigeria’s rejection of independent candidacy, meaning no one can run for governor without the backing of a registered political party. Finally, the School Certificate requirement has become one of the most contested points. While the law sets this as the minimum academic threshold, political opponents often challenge rivals by questioning the authenticity of their certificates or by appealing to public sentiment that demands higher educational qualifications. In reality, many contestants possess university degrees and advanced qualifications, but electoral disputes repeatedly return to the constitutional minimum. This tension between the legal threshold and societal expectations has fueled some of Nigeria’s most contentious pre-election and post-election litigations.

    Who is disqualified from contesting?

    The Constitution also makes it clear who cannot contest. Section 182(1) provides that:
    “No person shall be qualified for election to the office of Governor of a State if –
    (a) subject to the provisions of section 28 of this Constitution, he has voluntarily acquired the citizenship of a country other than Nigeria…
    (b) he has been adjudged to be of unsound mind;
    (c) he is an undischarged bankrupt;
    (d) he has been convicted and sentenced for fraud, dishonesty or any offence punishable by imprisonment of more than one year… within ten years before the election;
    (e) he is a member of a secret society;
    (f) he has been indicted for embezzlement or fraud by a judicial commission or tribunal;
    (g) he has been removed or dismissed from public office for misconduct.”

    These disqualifications emphasize integrity, fiscal responsibility, and civic suitability. In essence, they aim to ensure that those seeking governorship are of sound character, loyal to Nigeria, financially accountable, and free from criminal or unethical baggage. The bar against dual citizenship (except where acquired by birth) reflects concerns about divided loyalty, while the exclusion of those adjudged to be of unsound mind underscores the importance of mental capacity in exercising executive powers. Bankruptcy rules stress financial responsibility, suggesting that someone who cannot manage personal finances should not be trusted with state resources.

    Similarly, convictions for fraud, dishonesty, or other serious crimes highlight the Constitution’s insistence on probity. Even when sentences have been served, the law requires a ten-year “cooling-off” period before eligibility is restored. The bans on secret society membership and indictment for embezzlement reinforce public suspicion of shadowy affiliations and corruption, both of which have historically undermined governance in Nigeria. In political practice, these provisions are often weaponized during campaigns and litigations. Opponents dig into rivals’ pasts, looking for evidence of misconduct, fraud, or questionable affiliations to challenge their eligibility. While some challenges are genuine, others are politically motivated, reflecting how constitutional disqualifications can become tools of contestation in Nigeria’s high-stakes elections.

    What happens if a candidate lies?

    The law anticipates dishonesty in the nomination process. Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act 2022 provides that:

    “Any aspirant who participated in the primaries of his political party who has reasonable grounds to believe that any information given by his political party’s candidate in relation to constitutional requirements is false may file a suit at the Federal High Court against the candidate seeking a declaration that the information is false.”

    This provision empowers rivals within the same political party to legally challenge a candidate who falsifies documents relating to age, citizenship, education, or other constitutional qualifications. It reflects a growing emphasis on transparency and accountability in Nigerian elections, giving courts a formal role in adjudicating eligibility disputes.

    In practice, several cases illustrate how these rules operate: In Bayelsa State (2020), David Lyon of the APC lost his governorship victory because his running mate, Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, submitted forged academic certificates. Similarly, in Delta State (2023), Sheriff Oborevwori of the PDP was disqualified from contesting the governorship election after the Federal High Court ruled that his nomination was invalid due to issues with his certificates. The Supreme Court ruled that the falsification breached constitutional and electoral provisions, invalidating the joint ticket. The example shows that the Electoral Act’s provisions are not merely theoretical. They actively shape the political landscape, influence pre-election debates, and determine post-election outcomes. They also reinforce the importance of verifying credentials before filing for office, emphasising that misrepresentation can have immediate and decisive consequences for both the candidate and their party.

    Why it matters

    The constitutional requirements serve as both a minimum standard and a legal filter, ensuring that candidates possess the basic qualifications to hold the office of governor. At the same time, they provide formal avenues for opponents to challenge eligibility, reinforcing the role of the judiciary in maintaining the integrity of the electoral process. With the Electoral Act 2022 making false declarations a direct ground for disqualification, aspirants now face heightened scrutiny, both from political rivals and the public.

    These debates go beyond legal technicalities. They reveal a growing demand for accountability, transparency, and competence in Nigerian politics. While the Constitution defines what it means to be legally eligible, voters and civil society are increasingly attentive to qualities that extend beyond the minimum legal bar such as professional experience, ethical conduct, and overall leadership capacity.

    The ongoing contest in Anambra ahead of the November 8 governorship election highlights this tension. Arguments over candidates’ educational qualifications underscore a broader question: legal eligibility does not automatically translate into political legitimacy or public trust. Even if a candidate meets the constitutional criteria, perceived gaps in integrity, competence, or transparency can influence voter confidence and affect the credibility of the electoral process.

    In this way, the rules on eligibility serve a dual purpose: they protect the formal integrity of elections while also reflecting evolving expectations of Nigerian citizens for accountable and capable leadership. Understanding these provisions helps voters, political actors, and observers navigate disputes, anticipate challenges, and assess the broader implications for democratic governance in the country.

  • FACT CHECK: Did BVAS glitch disrupt the voting exercise in Onitsha?

    FACT CHECK: Did BVAS glitch disrupt the voting exercise in Onitsha?

    On November 8, 2025, the CDD War Room received a claim via the Check by Meedan tool that the Biometric Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) had suffered a glitch in Onitsha, thereby disrupting the voting exercise.

    This claim comes amidst the ongoing gubernatorial election in Anambra State. 

    Claim: BVAS glitch disrupted voting exercise in Onitsha

    Verification

    The CDD War Room can confirm that the BVAS in Onitsha South, Odakpu Ward 7, PU 006, suffered a glitch. This incident was confirmed by our observers and Soldiers of Mouth deployed to the polling units. 

    However, the glitch was fixed in no time, and the accreditation exercise proceeded without disrupting the process. 

    Verdict: MISLEADING

    The CDD War Room can confirm that the BVAS in Onitsha South, Odakpu Ward 7, PU 006, suffered a glitch. However, it was fixed in no time and did not disrupt the accreditation exercise. 

  • FACT CHECK: Does this video show unknown gunmen attacking security personnel during the 2025 Anambra governorship election? 

    FACT CHECK: Does this video show unknown gunmen attacking security personnel during the 2025 Anambra governorship election? 

    A video has been shared widely by multiple user accounts on TikTok with the claim that it shows the moment unknown gunmen were attacking security personnel during the 2025 Anambra governorship election.

    The video, posted by an account with the username @official_slow_b on Saturday, November 8, 2025, has the inscriptions “Anambra state election 2025 there was attack by unknown gunman’s everywhere is on fire please stay indoor” and “Today being Saturday November 8th 2025 election still going on.”

    The video, which has garnered over six thousand views, was captioned “unknown gunmen attacked Anambra state securitys”

    Screenshot of the video post on TikTok

    CLAIM: Video shows unknown gunmen attacking security personnel during the 2025 Anambra governorship election 

    VERIFICATION 

    Checks by the CDD War Room returned no genuine and credible evidence to support the claim. An analysis of the video revealed some inconsistencies. While the incident in the video shows two vehicles engulfed in flames, the sound of sporadic gunshots was found to be fake. Also, the atmosphere in the video appears far from an instance of security personnel being attacked by unknown gunmen on election day.

    VERDICT: FALSE

  • FACT CHECK: Old image shared hours after opening of polls with the hashtag AnambraDecides’25

    FACT CHECK: Old image shared hours after opening of polls with the hashtag AnambraDecides’25

    An image showing people on motorcycles in what appears to be a campaign or community event was shared on X (formerly Twitter) with the hashtag #AnambraDecides2025, suggesting it depicts current election activities in Anambra State, Nigeria.

    Claim: Old image shared hours after opening of polls with the hashtag AnambraDecides’25

    Verification:

    The photograph shows several people gathered around motorcycles, with some individuals wearing high-visibility vests and casual clothing. The scene appears to be in a rural or semi-rural area with vegetation in the background.

    However, verification by the CDD Election War Room shows this image is not from the 2025 Anambra election day. A reverse image search and verification showed that the same photograph was previously posted in June 2024 on a Facebook page named Soludo TV.

    Verdict: Misleading

  • FACT CHECK: Did an Anambra LGA Chairman Disrupt Elections with Police?

    FACT CHECK: Did an Anambra LGA Chairman Disrupt Elections with Police?

    CDD’s Soldiers of Mouth (SOM) sent in a viral social media post alleging that a local government chairman in Anambra State was disrupting the ongoing governorship election. The post claimed that the chairman used armed Police officers to prevent the election from proceeding smoothly.

    Verification:

    CDD War Room reviewed the image and video submitted through the Check by Meedan platform. The footage showed only a police van and a Hilux vehicle parked at a location, with no evidence of violence or electoral disruption. The post also failed to specify the name of the alleged LGA chairman, the local government area involved, or the polling unit where the purported incident occurred.

    Additionally, no credible news outlet or official report corroborated the claim of an LGA chairman interfering with the election.

    Verdict: False

    CDD found no evidence of violence, disruption, or the involvement of any LGA chairman in the alleged incident. The claim is unsubstantiated and misleading.

  • FACT CHECK: Viral Video Claiming ‘Massive Influx of Cash’ in Anambra Election

    FACT CHECK: Viral Video Claiming ‘Massive Influx of Cash’ in Anambra Election

    A viral video shared on Facebook shows stacks of naira notes arranged in bundles, with the caption claiming that a “massive influx of cash” has flooded Anambra State ahead of the election. The post further alleges that political parties are distributing funds and that “election-sensitive materials” have arrived in the state. The video has been widely shared, fuelling suspicions of large-scale vote buying.

    Claim: Viral Video Claiming ‘Massive Influx of Cash’ in Anambra Election

    Verification:

    Verification by the CDD Election War Room shows that while the video itself is authentic, the claim linking it to the Anambra election is false. A reverse image and keyword search revealed that the same video was originally posted on Pulse TV’s TikTok page on April 14, 2025, with the caption: “₦50 million naira for 50th birthday, money na water 😳😳.” The footage shows money allegedly displayed at a private birthday celebration, not funds being distributed for election purposes. There is no evidence connecting the video to any political activity or to events in Anambra State.

    Verdict: FALSE

  • FACT CHECK: Old Photo Falsely Linked to Violence in the Anambra Election

    FACT CHECK: Old Photo Falsely Linked to Violence in the Anambra Election

    An image circulating on X (formerly Twitter) claims to show incidents of violence during the ongoing Anambra election. The photo shows a man with a bloodied head and a caption #AnambraDecides2025. The post alleged that the image is evidence of chaos and electoral malpractice in the state.

    Claim: Old photo falsely linked to violence in the Anambra election

    Verification:

    Verification by the CDD War Room shows that while the image itself is authentic, the claim linking it to the Anambra election is false. A reverse image and keyword search revealed that the same image was first posted on a Facebook page on June 18, 2018, with the caption: “APGA goes violence. Apga Dunukofia LGA of Anambra State engulfed in violence …APGA is a junior brother to APC on issue of violence. Credit : Onyedika Anambra Emmanuel”

    Verdict: FALSE

  • FACT CHECK: Anambra election has hardly exceeded 22% voter turnout 

    FACT CHECK:  Anambra election has hardly exceeded 22% voter turnout 

    On November 3, 2025, an X user (formerly Twitter), while responding to another user, claimed that Anambra has 2.82 million voters but has hardly exceeded 22% turnout in any election. 

    The tweet was made in respect to the increasing voter apathy compared to the number of registered voters recorded in the past elections in the state. 

    Claim: Anambra election has hardly exceeded 22% voter turnout 

    Verification: 

    The CDD War Room found that the 1999, 2003, 2013 & 2023 governorship elections in Anambra State exceeded 22% turnout. 

    According to credible media sources, in 1999, there were 2.2 million registered voters, while 1.02 million representing 46.4 per cent cast their votes. In 2023, the governorship election recorded 26.23% in Anambra State. 

    Verdict: FALSE

    The CDD War Room found that the claim that Anambra State hardly exceeded 22% turnout in any election is false. We can confirm that the governorship elections of 1999, 2003, 2013 & 2023 exceeded 22% voter turnout. 

  • FACT CHECK: Did Soludo ‘Emptied Anambra Purse’ to Buy Votes for APGA?

    FACT CHECK: Did Soludo ‘Emptied Anambra Purse’ to Buy Votes for APGA?

    On November 7th 2025, a Facebook page, APGA Interactive Forum (AIF Media), made a claim that Anambra State Governor, Charles Soludo, has “emptied the state’s purse” and released ₦100 million to Nnewi North Local Government Area to buy votes ahead of the upcoming election. The post further alleges that the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) plans to offer ₦50,000 for each vote, asserting that no amount of vote buying will save the Governor from being voted out.

    Claim: Did Soludo empty Anambra’s purse to buy votes for APGA?

    Verification: The CDD War Room investigated the viral claim by analysing reports from credible news platforms and independent sources. However, there is no credible or verifiable evidence indicating that Governor Soludo or APGA disbursed ₦100 million to Nnewi North for vote buying.

    Verdict: No Evidence

  • FACT CHECK: Was there an approval to vote without a voter’s card in the 2025 Anambra guber poll?

    FACT CHECK: Was there an approval to vote without a voter’s card in the 2025 Anambra guber poll?

    On November 7, 2025, the CDD War Room received a claim via the Check by Meedan tool that there is an approval to vote without a voter’s card. This claim is going viral a day before the election and also on the election day. 

    Claim: Is there an approval to vote without a voter’s card?

    Verification

    The CDD War Room found that there is no approval to vote without a voter’s card. We can confirm that during the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)’s meeting with stakeholders, the Commission’s supervising commissioner for Anambra, Dr Ken Ukeagu, while answering a question asked by an attendee, explained that no one would be allowed to vote without a voter’s card. 

    We also found that in the Electoral Act, 2022 (as amended), Section 47 (1) of the Act states that “ A person intending to vote in an election shall present himself with his voter’s card to a presiding officer for accreditation at the polling unit in the constituency in which his name is registered.”

    This implies that anybody intending to vote must present their valid voter’s card. Hence, you cannot vote without a Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC).

    Verdict: FALSE

    The CDD War Room found that there is no approval to vote without a voter’s card. We can confirm that the Electoral Act 2022 mandates that anybody intending to vote must present their valid voter’s card.